The other two are from Rwandan Hutu who have been refugees since the late 1990s. Two of these life stories are rom Rwandan Tutsi who were refugees in Uganda until 1994 and returned to Rwanda after the genocide. Their differing attitudes towards Rwanda after the genocide will be explored through four life stories that were ollected between 20. This article will consider the xperiences of Rwandan refugees in terms of their relationship to their home country. Rwanda has a history of violent conflict resulting in mass xoduses of people to neighbouring countries, both prior to the 1994 genocide and after it. The UN paid little to no heed to the subtle, but extremely different way in which the problem was characterised and the implications this would have on the type of tool needed to deal with that problem.

Interestingly, Rwanda, which voted against the resolution, spoke of the problem in terms of a culture of impunity. Reconciliation is a much more complicated process' (Czech Republic). The ICTR was merely a vehicle of justice, 'but it is hardly designed as a vehicle for reconciliation. That State considered the ICTR only one of the many tasks at hand for the international community. Only one State that voted for the resolution did not equate ipso facto ICTR actions with justice. Primarily, the States that voted in favour of the creation of the ICTR indicated that the root of the problem was individual violations of international criminal law. The Security Council's resolution establishing the ICTR articulates a set of decisions, assumptions, wishes, and objectives. The Rwandan genocide merits distinction primarily because of its shocking efficiency, its scale and its proportional dimensions among the victim population. “South Sudan has become a critical player in the broader East African economy, with substantial regional and international investment.The tragedy which befell Rwanda in 1994 deserves a special place in the bloodstained pages of history. “In the coming days, refugees are likely to reach Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia,” said Casie Copeland of the International Crisis Group. About 200 oil workers in Unity State to the north have sought refuge at a United Nations base there, and the Chinese oil company operating there, CNPC, has begun removing its workers.Ī descent into civil war in South Sudan would have serious local and regional consequences. There are fears that the growing instability will have an impact on an already delicate economy. On Friday, the United Nations Security Council issued a statement expressing “grave alarm and concern regarding the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian crisis in South Sudan resulting from the political dispute among the country’s political leaders, which threatens serious implications for the long-term security and stability of South Sudan, as well as for the neighboring countries and other peace and security challenges in the region.” “This is not a place to be.”ĭiplomats have responded with great concern. “There is no food, no water, and medical services are limited,” said Mr. He split from the movement in 1991 and formed his own group, which signed a peace agreement with the Sudanese government in 1997. Kiir now leads, as it battled Sudan’s government in Khartoum. Machar, a British-educated former rebel with a Ph.D., was a senior member of the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army, the military wing of the party Mr. Machar, on the other hand, see him as an opportunist who changed sides during the civil war against Sudan to gain advantages for himself and his fellow Nuer. Kiir, of being an autocrat who oversees a government marred by corruption, mismanagement and a lack of freedom. Now, critics accuse South Sudan’s president, Mr. South Sudan became independent in 2011 when it broke away from its neighbor to the north, Sudan, after decades of civil war. “It is a power struggle,” said Zacharia Diing Akol, an analyst at the Sudd Institute in Juba. Other observers have said that politics, not ethnicity, are driving the conflict.

Political strife